OPC What has changed about You?

 

In 2000, my friend, Ikem Okuhu, was on his way to work one morning when he was accosted by some members of the O’odua Peoples Congress. It was the period the OPC was clashing with Hausa people in Lagos, which resulted in the deaths of many and the burning

of many houses. Musician African China released a popular song about that period: “If I say O, you say P, another man says C, omo na you sabi.”

Being dark and tall with some tiny marks on his cheeks, Ikem was taken for a Hausa man by the OPC members. He spoke Igbo and also showed them other evidences like his identity card, before he was left off the hook.

Later in the office, he narrated this incident to us. We condemned the ethnic attacks on Northerners by the OPC. Surprisingly, a colleague, Abiola, rose in the defence of the group, saying that they were defending the Yoruba ethnic group against marginalisation and domination. Ikem was furious and almost exchanged blows with Abiola.

But why Abiola’s position was stranger to us was that he was known to be a “born-again” Christian. It was not just that he was a “born-again” Christian, he was of the Christian denomination (name withheld) with a puritanical lifestyle. If Abiola was a woman, she would not perm her hair, use weave-on, wear earrings, necklaces or trousers. Abiola never even participated in jokes. So, we were baffled that he could rationalise violence that involved shedding of blood, especially against non-combatants.

But Abiola was not alone in the South-West on the issue of the OPC. The mood in the region then was that the OPC was defending the rights of the Yoruba. Immediately the OPC began clashing with Hausas in the South-West, Chief Gani Fawehinmi denounced them and cut all ties with them, vowing never to defend them in court again. That was a firm and unambiguous stand. Many non-Yoruba who joined in the struggle for the actualisation of the June 12, 1993 mandate made clear statements condemning the OPC. Newspaper columnists like Pini Jason and Ochereome Nnanna warned that one act of impunity and injustice from one ethnic group should not be replaced with another from another ethnic group. After listening to the interview of the leader of OPC, Dr Frederick Fasehun, on the BBC justifying the actions of the OPC against the Northerners at Apapa Ports, I wrote an article that was published in The Examiner of September 27, 1999 (page 8) and Hallmark of October 6, 1999 (page 3). The title of the article was, “Obasanjo, Adesanya, Tinubu: Call Fasehun to Order.” But the leaders of the South-West either kept sealed lips or made weak comments on the activities of the OPC.

When the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra came to prominence in 1999, I wrote an article that year warning that the name of Biafra and Igbo should not be used to score cheap points. On June 11, 2013, The PUNCH published my article: “The harm MASSOB does to Ndi Igbo.” In that article, I noted that MASSOB’s secessionist stand gave the impression to many that every Igbo person was in support of the disintegration of Nigeria, and would therefore be a threat if allowed to rule Nigeria.

MASSOB says it stands for non-violence, but many of its clashes with the police have resulted in the loss of lives. A me-too group by the name Biafra Zionist Movement last year claimed responsibility for the attack on the Enugu State Government House in which police shot dead one person. Many Igbo either did not take MASSOB seriously at inception. Many saw it as the Igbo’s answer to other ethnic militant groups. So, they either kept quiet or spoke in weak tones against MASSOB.

Similarly, when the Niger Delta militants began blowing up oil facilities, many South-South people gave them moral support. Then, they began to kidnap expatriate oil workers for ransom. Even comedians made jokes out of it. I remember hearing jokes made about fair-complexioned South-South people like Prof Pat Utomi and Mr Ben Murray-Bruce being kidnapped by the Niger Delta militants for ransom, but by the time they were taken to their kidnappers’ hideout, they spoke “pidgin English” to the kidnappers that made the kidnappers know that they were Nigerians and not Whites. The kidnappers were disappointed and subsequently let them go.

However, when the kidnappers could no longer find Whites to kidnap for ransom, they began to kidnap the rich locals and their relatives. Thus, kidnapping for ransom spread to other parts of Nigeria. In addition, the Niger Delta militancy continued from Olusegn Obasanjo’s regime to Umaru Yar’Adua’s regime when they were offered amnesty.

A similar scenario played out in the North. When Boko Haram started by bombing the police headquarters and the United Nations’ building in Abuja, as well St Theresa’s Church, Madalla, they were seen by many northerners as those protesting the injustice meted out to the North. That they were killing innocent people did not matter much; after all, the majority of those being killed were not Northerners. Some northern leaders even called them freedom fighters and fighters for justice. Former military head of state, Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (retd), warned the Federal Government to stop killing Boko Haram. He said that when Niger Delta militants rose up in arms, they were flown in presidential jets and given amnesty, but when Boko Haram did the same, they were killed.

However, when Boko Haram began to massacre people from one Northern community to another, the music changed. Today, every Northerner wants Boko Haram wiped out from the North.

That is the tragedy of Nigeria. We are quick to support our people even when they are committing evil, as long as that evil does not affect us. It is ridiculous to hear the names some people have called the OPC leaders and members since they came out to support the candidacy of President Jonathan and since they marched through Lagos streets on Monday, March 16, demanding the removal of the INEC Chairman, Prof. Attahiru Jega. Suddenly, many commentators realised that the OPC members were thugs, that they were armed in broad-day light while the police watched, and that Ganiyu Adams and Frederick Fasehun were not speaking for the Yoruba. On many occasions, I had seen the OPC marching in the streets with arms in the full glare of the police. In December 2011, they marched with arms in Lagos to protest against Boko Haram. A quick Google search will show the pictures and stories. Some of the pictures credited to last week’s march (showing armed OPC members) were actually lifted from that 2011 march.

For their OPC activities, Fasehun and Adams have received many chieftaincy titles in the South-West from traditional rulers. Among the titles of Adams are: Otunba Arigidi, Akoko, Ondo State; Jagunmolu-ode of Ibadan Land, Oyo State; Akinrogun of Erin-Osun, Osun State; Ajagunla of Aala Land, Kwara State; Arogundade of Ode-Omu, Osun State; Apagunpote of Igbeji Land Yewa, Ogun State; Olunla of Ilikimu, Benin Republic; Otunba Tayese of Igosun Ekiti, Ekiti State; Apase Oodua of Ifo Land, Ogun State; Mayegun of Owonsoki, Lagos State; Bobaselu of Ado Kingdom; Ajagungbade of Oodua Land by Olu of Sango; Aare of Ibeshe, Ikorodu, Lagos State; Seriki Adini of Arigidi Akoko, Ondo State and the Ajagungbade of Oodua Land.

When Adams wedded in 2003, all the South-West governors were physically present. They collectively donated a car to him. He has also received many awards and endorsement from many South-West groups.

If last week’s OPC march was against Jonathan, there would have been no uproar against it, even if they had marched through Lagos streets with rocket launchers. Many would have rationalised it as freedom of expression and a total rejection of the President by the South-West. They would have been praised as fearless sons of Oduduwa, ready to defend the Yoruba nation at any time.

That is what we have become in this nation: a bunch of hypocrites who look the other way when evil does not affect us, but shout the loudest when it affects us or our ideology.